Gonadotropin-releasing hormone analogues are commonly prescribed to suppress endogenous puberty for transgender adolescents. There are limited data regarding the mental health benefits of this treatment. Our objective for this study was to examine associations between access to pubertal suppression during adolescence and adult mental health outcomes.
Using a cross-sectional survey of 20 619 transgender adults aged 18 to 36 years, we examined self-reported history of pubertal suppression during adolescence. Using multivariable logistic regression, we examined associations between access to pubertal suppression and adult mental health outcomes, including multiple measures of suicidality.
Of the sample, 16.9% reported that they ever wanted pubertal suppression as part of their gender-related care. Their mean age was 23.4 years, and 45.2% were assigned male sex at birth. Of them, 2.5% received pubertal suppression. After adjustment for demographic variables and level of family support for gender identity, those who received treatment with pubertal suppression, when compared with those who wanted pubertal suppression but did not receive it, had lower odds of lifetime suicidal ideation (adjusted odds ratio = 0.3; 95% confidence interval = 0.2–0.6).
This is the first study in which associations between access to pubertal suppression and suicidality are examined. There is a significant inverse association between treatment with pubertal suppression during adolescence and lifetime suicidal ideation among transgender adults who ever wanted this treatment. These results align with past literature, suggesting that pubertal suppression for transgender adolescents who want this treatment is associated with favorable mental health outcomes.
Gonadotropin-releasing hormone analogues are commonly used to suppress endogenous puberty for transgender adolescents. Small studies have revealed that pubertal suppression results in favorable mental health outcomes. No studies to date have examined associations between pubertal suppression and suicidality.
In this study, using the largest survey of transgender adults to date, we show that access to pubertal suppression during adolescence is associated with lower odds of lifetime suicidal ideation among transgender young adults.
According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System, ∼1.8% of adolescents in the United States identify as transgender.1 These youth suffer mental health disparities that include higher rates of internalizing psychopathology (ie, anxiety and depression) and suicidality, theorized to be due to a combination of dysphoria toward their bodies and minority stress.2–5 In a large study of transgender adults in the United States, 40% endorsed a lifetime suicide attempt.6
Over the past 2 decades, protocols have been developed to provide transgender adolescents with gender-affirming medical interventions that align their bodies with their gender identities. Most prominent among these are the Endocrine Society guidelines7 and the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH) Standards of Care.8 Both sets of guidelines recommend that transgender adolescents be offered gonadotropin-releasing hormone analogues (GnRHas), colloquially referred to as “puberty blockers,” once they reach Tanner 2 of puberty. These medications are provided as subcutaneous implants or are administered as either 1- or 3-month depot injections. GnRHa therapy effectively halts the production of gonadal sex steroids (testosterone and estrogen) by persistently activating and thereby desensitizing the gonadotropin-releasing hormone receptor, which in turn leads to suppression of luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone release from the anterior pituitary gland.9 This process inhibits endogenous puberty for the duration of GnRHa use. Once further pubertal development is delayed, youth are able to explore gender identities without the pressure of dysphoria associated with gender-incongruent physical development.10 GnRHa therapy is unique among gender-affirming medical interventions in that the resultant pubertal suppression is fully reversible, with the resumption of endogenous puberty after their discontinuation.7,8
Since the publication of the WPATH Standards of Care and the Endocrine Society guidelines, the use of pubertal suppression for transgender youth has become more common in the United States9 There are limited data, however, regarding the mental health outcomes of pubertal suppression. To date, there have been 2 published studies in which the effects of this treatment on the mental health of transgender youth were examined. In the first study, the authors assessed changes in mental health among 55 Dutch adolescents who received pubertal suppression.11 This study, which notably lacked a control group, revealed that internalizing psychopathology improved after treatment with pubertal suppression. In the second study, researchers followed a group of 201 adolescents with gender dysphoria and found that those who received pubertal suppression in addition to psychological support (n = 101) had superior global functioning, measured by the Children’s Global Assessment Scale, when compared with those who received psychological support alone (n = 100).12
In the current study, we use the largest survey of transgender people to date, a community-recruited sample of transgender adults in the United States, to conduct the first-ever investigation into associations between pubertal suppression and suicidality.
Transgender youth present to clinicians with a range of concerns. Some have minimal body dysphoria and do not desire pubertal suppression, whereas others report significant dysphoria around the physical changes related to puberty. Because not all transgender and gender-diverse youth desire medical interventions, we examined only those youth who desired pubertal suppression because these are the young people who would present to care and for whom clinicians would need to decide about whether to initiate pubertal suppression. We specifically examined measures of past-year suicidality, lifetime suicidality, past-month severe psychological distress, past-month binge drinking, and lifetime illicit drug use. We hypothesized that among those who wanted pubertal suppression, those who received it would have superior mental health outcomes when compared with those who wanted but did not receive it.
Methods
Study Design and Data Source
The 2015 US Transgender Survey (USTS) was conducted over a 1-month period in 2015 by the National Center for Transgender Equality (NCTE). It is, to our knowledge, the largest existing data set of transgender adults and includes data regarding demographics, past gender-affirming medical treatment, family support, and mental health outcomes. Participants were recruited through community outreach in collaboration with >400 lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender organizations and were provided with a Web address to complete the survey online. Details regarding outreach efforts are further described in the NCTE report on the survey.6 The USTS protocol was approved by the University of California, Los Angeles Institutional Review Board. For the purposes of the current study, data were obtained via a data-sharing agreement with the NCTE, and the current protocol was reviewed by The Fenway Institute Institutional Review Board and determined to not comprise human subjects research.
Study Population
The USTS data set contains responses from 27 715 US transgender adults, with respondents from all 50 states, the District of Columbia, American Samoa, Guam, Puerto Rico, and US military bases overseas. Given that pubertal suppression for transgender youth was not available in the United States until 1998,4 only participants who were 17 or younger in 1998 would have had health care access to GnRHa for pubertal suppression. We thus restricted the analysis to participants who were 36 or younger at the time of the survey, resulting in a sample of 20 619 participants. Data were further restricted to those who selected “puberty blocking hormones (usually used by youth ages 9–16)” in response to the question “Have you ever wanted any of the health care listed below for your gender identity or gender transition? (Mark all that apply).” Response options for this question were “counseling/therapy,” “hormone treatment/HRT,” “puberty blocking hormones (usually used by youth ages 9–16),” or “none of the above.” This resulted in a sample of 3494 individuals between the ages of 18 and 36 who ever wanted pubertal suppression as part of their gender-affirming medical care.
Exposures
Exposure to pubertal suppression was defined as selecting “puberty blocking hormones (usually used by youth ages 9–16)” in response to the question “Have you ever had any of the health care listed below for your gender identity or gender transition? (Mark all that apply).” Response options for this question were “counseling/therapy,” “hormone treatment/HRT,” “puberty blocking hormones (usually used by youth ages 9–16),” and “none of the above.” Participants who reported having pubertal suppression were also asked, “At what age did you begin taking Puberty Blocking Hormones?” Those who reported beginning treatment after age 17 were excluded to only include participants who likely had pubertal suppression during active endogenous puberty. The vast majority of adolescents would have reached Tanner 5, the final stage of puberty, by age 17.13,14
Outcomes
Comparing those who received pubertal suppression with those who did not, we examined past-month severe psychological distress (defined as a score of ≥13 on the Kessler Psychological Distress Scale [K6], a cutoff previously validated among US adults15 ), past-month binge drinking (operationalized as drinking ≥5 standard alcoholic beverages during 1 occasion; the rationale for this threshold when studying alcohol use among transgender people has been discussed previously16 ), lifetime illicit drug use (not including marijuana), past-year suicidal ideation, past-year suicidal ideation with a plan, past-year suicide attempts, past-year suicide attempts resulting in inpatient care, lifetime suicidal ideation, and lifetime suicide attempts.
Control Variables
Demographic variables collected included age, age of social transition, age of initiation of gender-affirming hormone therapy, current gender identity, sex assigned at birth, sexual orientation, race, education level, employment status, relationship status, total household income at the time of data collection in 2015, family support for gender identity, and current hormone treatment.
Statistical Analysis
Data were analyzed by using SPSS software version 25 (IBM SPSS Statistics, IBM Corporation, Armonk, NY). Descriptive statistics were conducted and are presented as frequency (percentage) or mean (SD). Analysis of variance and χ2 tests were used to assess significance by age, gender identity, sex assigned at birth, race, education level, employment status, relationship status, total household income, family support for gender identity, and current hormone treatment between those who received pubertal suppression and those who did not. We used univariate logistic regression to examine associations between receiving pubertal suppression and each mental health outcome, as well as between age and both ever wanting and receiving pubertal suppression. P < .05 defined statistical significance. Multivariable logistic regression models were adjusted for using the demographic variables associated with each outcome at the level of P ≤ .20. Because all outcomes were associated with level of family support, sexual orientation, education level, employment status, and total household income, all models were adjusted for these variables. Lifetime suicide attempts were associated with gender identity, and this model was therefore additionally adjusted for this variable. Past-month severe psychological distress and past-year suicidal ideation were additionally associated with age, gender identity, and relationship status, and therefore models were adjusted for these variables as well. Race was found to be associated with lifetime suicidal ideation and lifetime suicide attempts; therefore models were therefore additionally adjusted for race.
Results
Of the 20 619 survey respondents 18 to 36 years of age, 3494 (16.9%) reported that they had ever wanted pubertal suppression. Of those who wanted pubertal suppression, only 89 (2.5%) had received this treatment. The following variables were found to be associated with those who wanted and received pubertal suppression compared with those who wanted pubertal suppression but did not receive it: younger age, age of social transition, age of initiation of hormone therapy, feminine gender identity, male sex assigned at birth, heterosexual sexual orientation, higher total household income, and greater family support of gender identity (Table 1).
. | . | Have You Ever Had [Pubertal Suppression] for Your Gender Identity or Gender Transition? . | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
. | All (N = 3494) . | Yes (n = 89; 2.5%) . | No (n = 3405; 97.5%) . | F . | P . |
. | n (%) . | n (%) . | n (%) . | . | . |
Age | 23.4 (5.0) | 21.7 (4.7) | 23.4 (5.0) | 10.3 | .001* |
Age of social transition | 20.0 (5.5) | 15.2 (4.5) | 20.1 (5.5) | 67.5 | <.001* |
Age began hormone therapy | 22.1 (4.5) | 15.7 (2.4) | 22.5 (4.3) | 217.4 | <.001* |
Gender identity | 25.5a | <.001* | |||
Woman | 23 (25.8) | 617 (18.2) | |||
Man | 19 (21.3) | 383 (11.3) | |||
Transgender woman | 25 (28.1) | 720 (21.3) | |||
Transgender man | 16 (18.0) | 795 (23.5) | |||
Nonbinary or genderqueer | 6 (6.7) | 866 (25.6) | |||
Sex assigned at birth | 4.4a | .04* | |||
Female | 39 (43.8) | 1874 (55.0) | |||
Male | 50 (56.2) | 1531 (45.0) | |||
Sexual orientation | 36.5a | <.001* | |||
Heterosexual or straight | 27 (30.3) | 350 (10.3) | |||
Asexual | 9 (10.1) | 437 (12.8) | |||
Pansexual or queer | 36 (40.4) | 1784 (52.4) | |||
Gay or lesbian | 12 (13.5) | 539 (15.8) | |||
Not listed | 5 (5.6) | 295 (8.7) | |||
Race, n (%) | 3.5a | .06 | |||
Racial minority | 28 (31.5) | 782 (23.0) | |||
Not racial minority (white or European American) | 61 (68.5) | 2623 (77.0) | |||
Education level | 2.9a | .41 | |||
Less than high school | 9 (10.1) | 220 (6.5) | |||
High school graduate or GED | 20 (22.5) | 683 (20.1) | |||
Some college or associate degree | 39 (43.8) | 1729 (50.8) | |||
Bachelor’s degree or higher | 21 (23.6) | 773 (22.7) | |||
Employment status | 0.6a | .45 | |||
Employed | 51 (79.7) | 1976 (75.6) | |||
Unemployed | 13 (20.3) | 638 (24.4) | |||
Relationship status | 0.5a | .47 | |||
Partnered | 35 (40.2) | 1447 (44.1) | |||
Unpartnered | 52 (59.8) | 1834 (55.9) | |||
Total household income, $ | 21.9a | <.001* | |||
<25 000 | 21 (26.3) | 1153 (38.3) | |||
25 000–49 999 | 13 (16.3) | 652 (21.7) | |||
50 000–99 000 | 14 (17.5) | 630 (20.9) | |||
>100 000 | 32 (40.0) | 574 (19.1) | |||
Family support for gender identity | |||||
Supportive | 71 (81.6) | 1551 (55.8) | 24.3a | <.001* | |
Neutral | 11 (12.6) | 573 (20.6) | |||
Unsupportive | 5 (5.7) | 658 (23.7) | |||
Current hormone treatment | 87 (97.8) | 1617 (96.3) | 0.5a | .48 |
. | . | Have You Ever Had [Pubertal Suppression] for Your Gender Identity or Gender Transition? . | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
. | All (N = 3494) . | Yes (n = 89; 2.5%) . | No (n = 3405; 97.5%) . | F . | P . |
. | n (%) . | n (%) . | n (%) . | . | . |
Age | 23.4 (5.0) | 21.7 (4.7) | 23.4 (5.0) | 10.3 | .001* |
Age of social transition | 20.0 (5.5) | 15.2 (4.5) | 20.1 (5.5) | 67.5 | <.001* |
Age began hormone therapy | 22.1 (4.5) | 15.7 (2.4) | 22.5 (4.3) | 217.4 | <.001* |
Gender identity | 25.5a | <.001* | |||
Woman | 23 (25.8) | 617 (18.2) | |||
Man | 19 (21.3) | 383 (11.3) | |||
Transgender woman | 25 (28.1) | 720 (21.3) | |||
Transgender man | 16 (18.0) | 795 (23.5) | |||
Nonbinary or genderqueer | 6 (6.7) | 866 (25.6) | |||
Sex assigned at birth | 4.4a | .04* | |||
Female | 39 (43.8) | 1874 (55.0) | |||
Male | 50 (56.2) | 1531 (45.0) | |||
Sexual orientation | 36.5a | <.001* | |||
Heterosexual or straight | 27 (30.3) | 350 (10.3) | |||
Asexual | 9 (10.1) | 437 (12.8) | |||
Pansexual or queer | 36 (40.4) | 1784 (52.4) | |||
Gay or lesbian | 12 (13.5) | 539 (15.8) | |||
Not listed | 5 (5.6) | 295 (8.7) | |||
Race, n (%) | 3.5a | .06 | |||
Racial minority | 28 (31.5) | 782 (23.0) | |||
Not racial minority (white or European American) | 61 (68.5) | 2623 (77.0) | |||
Education level | 2.9a | .41 | |||
Less than high school | 9 (10.1) | 220 (6.5) | |||
High school graduate or GED | 20 (22.5) | 683 (20.1) | |||
Some college or associate degree | 39 (43.8) | 1729 (50.8) | |||
Bachelor’s degree or higher | 21 (23.6) | 773 (22.7) | |||
Employment status | 0.6a | .45 | |||
Employed | 51 (79.7) | 1976 (75.6) | |||
Unemployed | 13 (20.3) | 638 (24.4) | |||
Relationship status | 0.5a | .47 | |||
Partnered | 35 (40.2) | 1447 (44.1) | |||
Unpartnered | 52 (59.8) | 1834 (55.9) | |||
Total household income, $ | 21.9a | <.001* | |||
<25 000 | 21 (26.3) | 1153 (38.3) | |||
25 000–49 999 | 13 (16.3) | 652 (21.7) | |||
50 000–99 000 | 14 (17.5) | 630 (20.9) | |||
>100 000 | 32 (40.0) | 574 (19.1) | |||
Family support for gender identity | |||||
Supportive | 71 (81.6) | 1551 (55.8) | 24.3a | <.001* | |
Neutral | 11 (12.6) | 573 (20.6) | |||
Unsupportive | 5 (5.7) | 658 (23.7) | |||
Current hormone treatment | 87 (97.8) | 1617 (96.3) | 0.5a | .48 |
Descriptive statistics for transgender adults in the United States who ever wanted pubertal suppression for their gender identity or gender transition when comparing those who received this treatment with those who did not receive this treatment (total N = 3494). Percentages were calculated from the total of nonmissing values.
*Indicates statistical significance.
χ2.
In univariate analyses, when comparing those who received pubertal suppression with those who did not, receiving pubertal suppression was associated with decreased odds of past-year suicidal ideation, lifetime suicidal ideation, and past-month severe psychological distress (Table 2). After controlling for demographic variables from Table 1, pubertal suppression was associated with decreased odds of lifetime suicidal ideation. Raw frequency outcomes are presented in Table 3.
. | Univariate Analyses . | Multivariable Analyses . | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
OR (95% CI) . | P . | aOR (95% CI) . | P . | |
Suicidality, past 12 mo | ||||
Ideation | 0.6 (0.4–0.8) | .006* | 0.6 (0.3–1.1) | 0.09 |
Ideation with plan | 0.9 (0.5–1.6) | .73 | ||
Ideation with plan and attempt | 1.2 (0.6–2.3) | .64 | ||
Attempt resulting in inpatient care | 2.8 (0.8–9.4) | .09 | ||
Suicidality, lifetime | ||||
Ideation | 0.3 (0.2–0.5) | <.001* | 0.3 (0.2–0.6) | 0.001* |
Attempts | 0.7 (0.4–1.0) | .08 | ||
Mental health and substance use | ||||
Past-month severe psychological distress, K6 ≥13 | 0.5 (0.3–0.8) | .001* | 0.8 (0.4–1.4) | 0.38 |
Past-month binge drinking | 1.3 (0.8–2.0) | .29 | ||
Lifetime illicit drug use | 1.1 (0.7–1.8) | .67 |
. | Univariate Analyses . | Multivariable Analyses . | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
OR (95% CI) . | P . | aOR (95% CI) . | P . | |
Suicidality, past 12 mo | ||||
Ideation | 0.6 (0.4–0.8) | .006* | 0.6 (0.3–1.1) | 0.09 |
Ideation with plan | 0.9 (0.5–1.6) | .73 | ||
Ideation with plan and attempt | 1.2 (0.6–2.3) | .64 | ||
Attempt resulting in inpatient care | 2.8 (0.8–9.4) | .09 | ||
Suicidality, lifetime | ||||
Ideation | 0.3 (0.2–0.5) | <.001* | 0.3 (0.2–0.6) | 0.001* |
Attempts | 0.7 (0.4–1.0) | .08 | ||
Mental health and substance use | ||||
Past-month severe psychological distress, K6 ≥13 | 0.5 (0.3–0.8) | .001* | 0.8 (0.4–1.4) | 0.38 |
Past-month binge drinking | 1.3 (0.8–2.0) | .29 | ||
Lifetime illicit drug use | 1.1 (0.7–1.8) | .67 |
Univariate and multivariable analyses of mental health outcomes among transgender adults in the United States who ever wanted pubertal suppression when comparing those who received this treatment with those who did not. Multivariable logistic regression models were adjusted for using the demographic variables associated with each outcome at the level of P ≤ .20. Because all outcomes were associated with family support, sexual orientation, education level, employment status, and total household income, all models were adjusted for these variables. Lifetime suicide attempts were associated with gender identity, and this model was additionally adjusted for this variable. Past-month severe psychological distress and past-year suicidal ideation were additionally associated with age, gender identity, and relationship status, and thus these models were adjusted for these variables as well. Race was found to be associated with lifetime suicidal ideation and lifetime suicide attempts, and thus these models were additionally adjusted for race. Models for psychological distress and past-year suicidal ideation were also adjusted for age, gender identity, and relationship status. aOR, adjusted odds ratio.
Indicates statistical significance.
. | Have You Ever Had [Pubertal Suppression] for Your Gender Identity or Gender Transition? . | |
---|---|---|
Yes (n = 89; 2.5%) . | No (n = 3405; 97.5%) . | |
n (%) . | n (%) . | |
Suicidality (past 12 mo) | ||
Ideation | 45 (50.6) | 2204 (64.8) |
Ideation with plan | 25 (55.6) | 1281 (58.2) |
Ideation with plan and attempt | 11 (24.4) | 473 (21.5) |
Attempt resulting in inpatient care | 5 (45.5) | 108 (22.8) |
Suicidality (lifetime) | ||
Ideation | 67 (75.3) | 3062 (90.2) |
Attempts | 37 (41.6) | 1738 (51.2) |
Mental health and substance use | ||
Past-month severe psychological distress (K6 ≥13) | 32 (37.2) | 1847 (55.1) |
Past-month binge drinking | 26 (29.2) | 825 (24.3) |
Lifetime illicit drug use | 24 (27.3) | 850 (25.3) |
. | Have You Ever Had [Pubertal Suppression] for Your Gender Identity or Gender Transition? . | |
---|---|---|
Yes (n = 89; 2.5%) . | No (n = 3405; 97.5%) . | |
n (%) . | n (%) . | |
Suicidality (past 12 mo) | ||
Ideation | 45 (50.6) | 2204 (64.8) |
Ideation with plan | 25 (55.6) | 1281 (58.2) |
Ideation with plan and attempt | 11 (24.4) | 473 (21.5) |
Attempt resulting in inpatient care | 5 (45.5) | 108 (22.8) |
Suicidality (lifetime) | ||
Ideation | 67 (75.3) | 3062 (90.2) |
Attempts | 37 (41.6) | 1738 (51.2) |
Mental health and substance use | ||
Past-month severe psychological distress (K6 ≥13) | 32 (37.2) | 1847 (55.1) |
Past-month binge drinking | 26 (29.2) | 825 (24.3) |
Lifetime illicit drug use | 24 (27.3) | 850 (25.3) |
Raw frequencies of mental health outcomes among transgender adults in the United States who ever wanted pubertal suppression. Percentages were calculated from the total of nonmissing values.
To examine associations between age, ever wanting, and ever receiving pubertal suppression, we divided participants into 2 age groups with the cutoff point at the median, 18 to 22 and 23 to 36, in light of the skewed distribution of age.17 The younger age group had increased odds both of ever wanting pubertal suppression (odds ratio [OR] = 1.4, P < .001, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.3–3.5) and of receiving pubertal suppression (OR = 2.1, P = .001, 95% CI: 1.4–3.4).
Among those who had ever received pubertal suppression, 60% reported traveling <25 miles for gender-affirming health care, 29% traveled between 25 and 100 miles, and 11% traveled >100 miles.
Discussion
This study is the first in which the association between access to pubertal suppression and measures of suicidality is examined. Treatment with pubertal suppression among those who wanted it was associated with lower odds of lifetime suicidal ideation when compared with those who wanted pubertal suppression but did not receive it. Suicidality is of particular concern for this population because the estimated lifetime prevalence of suicide attempts among transgender people is as high as 40%.6 Approximately 9 of 10 transgender adults who wanted pubertal suppression but did not receive it endorsed lifetime suicidal ideation in the current study (Table 3). Access to pubertal suppression was associated with male sex assignment at birth, heterosexual sexual orientation, higher total household income, and higher level of family support for gender identity.
Results from this study suggest that the majority of transgender adults in the United States who have wanted pubertal suppression did not receive it. Of surveyed transgender adults in the current study, 16.9% reported ever desiring pubertal suppression as part of their gender-related care; however, only 2.5% of these respondents indicated they had in fact received this wanted treatment. This was the case even for the youngest survey respondents, who were 18 years old at the time of data collection in 2015. Only 4.7% of 18-year-olds who wanted the treatment reported receiving it.
Although rates both of desiring and of receiving pubertal suppression were higher among younger respondents, results from the current study indicate that still only 29.2% of the youngest participants in the study (ie, those who were 18 years of age in the year 2015) reported ever desiring pubertal suppression as part of gender-related care. No individuals <18 years of age were captured by this data set; future research should investigate the rate of desiring pubertal suppression among younger populations. Some respondents may have simply never been aware of the possibility of puberty suppression while still within the range of developmentally suitable candidates for receiving this treatment, or they may have believed that they were not suitable candidates. This finding may also reflect the diversity of experience among transgender and gender-diverse people, highlighting that not all will want every type of gender-affirming intervention.7,8 Future research is needed to understand why younger participants reported desiring pubertal suppression at higher rates; we hypothesize that this is likely due in part to recent increased public awareness about and access to gender-affirming interventions.5
Access to pubertal suppression was associated with a greater total household income. Without insurance, the annual cost of GnRHa therapy ranges from $4000 to $25 000.18 Among adolescents treated with pubertal suppression at the Boston Children’s Hospital Gender Management Service before 2012, <20% obtained insurance coverage.19 More recently, insurance coverage for these medications has increased: a study from 2 academic medical centers in 2015 revealed that insurance covered the cost of GnRHa therapy in 72% of cases.18 This is 1 potential explanation for why younger age was found to be associated with accessing pubertal suppression in the current study (Table 1). It is also plausible that those who receive pubertal suppression experience more improvement in mental health, which in turn may contribute to greater socioeconomic advancement.20 This study’s cross-sectional design limits further interpretation.
Participants who endorsed a heterosexual sexual orientation were more likely to have received pubertal suppression. This is in line with past research revealing that nonheterosexual transgender people are less likely to access gender-affirming surgical interventions.21 Some clinicians may be biased against administering pubertal suppression to patients whose sexual orientation identities do not align with society’s heteronormative assumptions.21 In the current study, nonbinary and genderqueer respondents were also less likely to have accessed pubertal suppression, suggesting that clinicians may additionally be uncomfortable with delivering this treatment to patients whose gender identities defy more traditional binary categorization. Of note, because research on gender-affirming hormonal interventions for adolescents has been focused on transgender youth with binary gender identities,11 some clinicians have reservations about prescribing pubertal suppression interventions to nonbinary youth in the event of a potentially prolonged state of low sex-steroid milieu.
Family support was also associated with receiving pubertal suppression among those who wanted this treatment. This finding is unsurprising given that most states require parental consent for adolescents to receive pubertal suppression.22 Past studies have revealed that family support of gender identity is associated with favorable mental health outcomes.6 Of note, treatment with pubertal suppression in the current study was associated with lower odds of lifetime suicidal ideation, even after adjustment for family support (Table 2).
We did not detect a difference in the odds of lifetime or past-year suicide attempts or attempts resulting in hospitalization. It is possible that we were underpowered to detect these differences given that suicide attempt items were less frequently endorsed than suicidal ideation items (Table 3). Given this study’s retrospective self-report survey design, we were unable to capture information regarding completed suicides, which may have also reduced the number of suicide attempts we were able to account for. Given that suicidal ideation alone is a known predictor of future suicide attempts and deaths from suicide, the current results warrant particular concern.23
This study adds to the existing literature11,12 on the relationship of pubertal suppression to favorable mental health outcomes. The theoretical basis for these improved mental health outcomes is that pubertal suppression prevents irreversible, gender-noncongruent changes that result from endogenous puberty (eg, bone structure, voice changes, breast development, and body hair growth) and that may cause significant distress among transgender youth. Pubertal suppression allows these adolescents more time to decide if they wish to either induce exogenous gender-congruent puberty or allow endogenous puberty to progress.7,8 Some have also theorized that gender-affirming medical care may have mental health benefits that are separate from its physical effects because it provides implied affirmation of gender identity from clinicians, which may in turn buffer against minority stress.24
Strengths of this study include its large sample size and representation of a broad geographic area of the United States. It is the first study in which associations between pubertal suppression for transgender youth and suicidality are examined. Limitations include the study’s cross-sectional design, which does not allow for determination of causation. Longitudinal clinical trials are needed to better understand the efficacy of pubertal suppression. Because the 2015 USTS data do not contain the relevant variables, we were unable to examine associations between access to pubertal suppression and degree of body dysphoria in this study. Notably, past studies have revealed that body image difficulties persist through pubertal suppression and remit only after administration of gender-affirming hormone therapy with estrogen or testosterone.11 It is also limited by its nonprobability sample design. Future researchers should work toward the collection of population-based survey data that include variables related to gender-affirming medical interventions. Of note, because pubertal suppression for transgender youth is a relatively recent intervention, some participants might not have known that these interventions existed and thus would not have reported ever wanting them. Had these individuals known about pubertal suppression, it is possible that they might have desired it. Because we do not have data on whether individuals who did not desire pubertal suppression would have wanted it had they known about it, we restricted our analysis to those who reported ever desiring pubertal suppression. Reverse causation cannot be ruled out: it is plausible that those without suicidal ideation had better mental health when seeking care and thus were more likely to be considered eligible for pubertal suppression. The Endocrine Society guidelines for pubertal suppression eligibility recommend that other mental health concerns be “reasonably well controlled.”7 Because this study includes only adults who identify as transgender, it does not include outcomes for people who may have initiated pubertal suppression and subsequently no longer identify as transgender. Notably, however, a recent study from the Netherlands of 812 adolescents with gender dysphoria revealed that only 1.9% of adolescents who initiated pubertal suppression discontinued this treatment without proceeding to gender-affirming hormone therapy with estrogen or testosterone.25
Conclusions
Among transgender adults in the United States who have wanted pubertal suppression, access to this treatment is associated with lower odds of lifetime suicidal ideation. This study strengthens recommendations by the Endocrine Society and WPATH for this treatment to be made available for transgender adolescents who want it.
Acknowledgment
We thank the NCTE for conducing the 2015 USTS and for allowing us access to these data.
Dr Turban conceptualized and designed the study, drafted the initial manuscript, and incorporated all revisions and comments; Ms King conducted statistical analyses and reviewed and revised the manuscript for important intellectual content, with a focus on statistical aspects of the manuscript; Dr Carswell assisted in the design of the study and in interpretation of the data analyses and critically reviewed and revised the manuscript for important intellectual content, with a focus on relevant clinical endocrinology; Dr Keuroghlian supervised and contributed to the conceptualization and design of the study and the design of the statistical analyses and reviewed and revised the manuscript for important intellectual content as it relates to mental health considerations for transgender people; and all authors approved the final manuscript as submitted and agree to be accountable for all aspects of the work in ensuring that questions related to the accuracy or integrity of any part of the work are appropriately investigated and resolved.
FUNDING: Supported by grant U30CS22742 from the Health Resources and Services Administration Bureau of Primary Health Care to Dr Keuroghlian, the principal investigator, by contract AD-2017C1-6271 from the Patient-Centered Outcomes Research Institute to Dr Kenneth H. Mayer, the principal investigator (Dr Keuroghlian is co-investigator), and by a Pilot Research Award for General Psychiatry Residents from The American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry to Dr Turban.
References
Competing Interests
POTENTIAL CONFLICT OF INTEREST: Dr Turban reports receiving royalties from Springer for a textbook on pediatric gender identity; and Ms King and Drs Carswell and Keuroghlian have indicated they have no potential conflicts of interest to disclose.
FINANCIAL DISCLOSURE: The authors have indicated they have no financial relationships relevant to this article to disclose.
Comments
RE: Pubertal Suppression for Transgender Youth and Risk of Suicidal Ideation
We thank Dr. Clarke for his interest in our article. We appreciate the opportunity to address his comments and correct the inaccurate information contained in them.
Dr. Clarke incorrectly states that this manuscript found an increase in recent serious suicide attempts among those who accessed pubertal suppression during adolescence. Though the raw values were higher for some of these outcomes, this was not a statistically significant finding, and thus the appropriate conclusion is that the study found no statistically significant association between access to pubertal suppression and greater odds of any measure of adverse mental health outcomes.
Dr. Clarke claims that the study participants responses were “biased,” based on the nature of the USTS sampling methodology. Though he does not clarify this comment, it appears he is referencing the fact that this is a non-probability sample. Non-probability samples are frequently used when studying minority populations, as they allow investigators to recruit large sample sizes and ask in-depth questions specific to the minority population being studied, which is generally not possible with probability samples. One major strength of this study is that it was able to recruit the largest sample of transgender people to date (over 27,000 participants) and ask in-depth questions, which allowed us to adjust for a wide range of potential confounders. This would not have been possible with a probability sample (e.g., the TransPOP sample, which uses random digit dialing for recruitment but was unable to recruit as many participants as USTS, or the CDC YRBSS, which is unable to ask as many in-depth questions about gender-related experiences because it must cover a wide range of other health topics).
Dr. Clarke expresses concern that “USTS respondents demonstrably did not know what puberty blockers were.” While it is not clear what this assertion was based upon, we would like to reiterate that our analyses excluded respondents who reported accessing pubertal suppression later than current guidelines advise. This intervention, when used at the recommended time, is done after counseling and education.
The most concerning claim in Dr. Clarke’s comment is his assertion that there is controversy regarding whether pubertal suppression should be made available for transgender youth who meet criteria under existing medical guidelines. Though there is controversy in the media and the political realm, there is clear consensus across the relevant major medical societies. The American Psychiatric Association, The American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, The Endocrine Society, and The Pediatric Endocrine Society are some of the key organizations that oppose attempts to restrict access to pubertal suppression for transgender youth.
RE: Pubertal Suppression for Transgender Youth and Risk of Suicidal Ideation
I am writing to express my concern that Pediatrics has named “Pubertal Suppression and Risk of Suicidal Ideation in Transgender Youth” by Turban et al. its Paper of the Year for 2020. The study’s conclusion that puberty blockers are beneficial is severely compromised by methodologic flaws. 1 To the best of my knowledge, Turban et al. failed to respond to the posted comments of their paper.
Turban et al.’s conclusions also contradict the recent extensive review of evidence by the UK High Court, which found puberty blockers to be an experimental treatment with significant risks.2 Contrary to Turban et al.’s recommendations to provide puberty blockers to any child or adolescent who wants it, the UK High Court ruled that young people can rarely consent to these treatments, requiring a case-by-case judicial review for any patients 16 and younger.
The following is a brief summary of the flaws in the Turban et al.’s study, which render their conclusions misleading:
1. The source study, the United States Transgender Survey 2015 (USTS), employed a non representative, biased convenience sample. The results from this survey are unreliable.3
2. Over 70% of the USTS respondents demonstrably did not know what puberty blockers were, claiming to have commenced treatment after age 18. Although Turban et al. attempted to control for this, a proper adjustment was not possible.
3. There was no control for underlying mental health. Since more stable individuals are more likely to be eligible for puberty suppression, one cannot discern mental health benefits or harms of puberty suppression without controlling for pre-treatment mental health.
4. Turban et al. ignored their own finding that a history of puberty suppression was associated with an increase in recent serious suicide attempts.
The question of whether and when it is appropriate to prescribe puberty blockers for Gender Dysphoria (GD) is far from settled, especially in light of the recent dramatic change in the presentation of GD. While in the past, most of the patients were male, currently, the majority of newly diagnosed cases are natal females with recent post-pubescent onset of GD and a high prevalence of comorbid autism spectrum conditions. These previously rare cases were considered ineligible for “Dutch Protocol,” which serves as the basis for the practice of prescribing puberty blockers for GD. One the principal authors of the protocol, Annelou de Vries, recently wrote a commentary in Pediatrics, alerting clinicians to the potentially inappropriate application of the protocol to a population for which it was not designed.4
Since the publication of Turban et al.’s work, Finland has issued much more cautious treatment guidelines that prioritize psychological support over puberty blockade and cross-sex hormone treatments.5 A similar change is underway in the UK following the High Court ruling.
When the alarm bells are clearly starting to ring internationally about the use of puberty blockers in GD, such an award appears to lack prudence and foresight. I believe that it would be helpful if the Journal could in future present a more balanced perspective on this issue.
References
1. Turban JL, King D, Carswell JM, Keuroghlian AS. Pubertal Suppression for Transgender Youth and Risk of Suicidal Ideation. Pediatrics. 2020; 145(2): e20191725. doi:10.1542/peds.2019-1725.
2. Judiciary.uk. https://www.judiciary.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Bell-v-Tavistock-Jud.... Published 2020. Accessed January 3, 2021.
3. D’Angelo R, Syrulnik E, Ayad S, Marchiano L, Kenny DT, Clarke P. One Size Does Not Fit All: In Support of Psychotherapy for Gender Dysphoria. Archives of Sexual Behaviour. 2020; https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-020-01844-2
4. De Vries ALC. Challenges in Timing Puberty Suppression for Gender- Nonconforming Adolescents. Pediatrics. 2020.; http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/lookup/doi/10.1542/peds.2020-010111
5. Palko [Finnish Health Authority / Council for Choices in Health Care in Finland]. Medical Treatment Methods for Dysphoria Associated with Variations in Gender Identity in Minors: Recommendation. 2020.;
https://palveluvalikoima.fi/documents/1237350/22895008/Summary_minors_en.... Published 2020. Accessed January 3, 2021.
RE: Pubertal Suppression for Transgender Youth and Risk of Suicidal Ideation
Dear editors and authors,
In response to the article “Pubertal Suppression for Transgender Youth and Risk of Suicidal Ideation”, I would like to thank the authors for exploring this topic. But I still have two questions about this article.
First, I have great concerns about the method of self reports which was used in this questionnaire. The answers might reflect the desire of the transgender social group rather than true psychological or physiological benefits. In this article, they asked “Have you ever wanted any of the health care listed below (including puberty blockers) for your gender identity or gender transition? Participants might be led to think “I would be happier and would not have the suicide ideation if I ever had the puberty blockers in my adolescence.” Therefore, the socially desirable option could be overreported (1). In addition, none of similar studies listed in this article has used the method of self reports, either.
We also noticed “Suicidality (past 12 mo): Attempt resulting in inpatient care” in Table 3 indicated 45.5% in the participants who had puberty blockers, while 22.8% in those who didn’t have such therapy. A higher odds ratio is noted; however, without significant difference (table 2). This might be attributed to the small sample size of the puberty blocker users (2, 3). Nevertheless, suicide attempts resulting in inpatient care would be an important indicator to know the true outcomes of puberty blockers. We would suggest a further investigation on this issue to clarify the outcome of puberty blockers rather than concluding based on “no significance”.
Sincerely,
I Cheng
1. NHS. Writing an effective questionnaire. England. 2018.
2. du Prel JB, Hommel G, Rohrig B, Blettner M. Confidence interval or p-value?: part 4 of a series on evaluation of scientific publications. Dtsch Arztebl Int 2009;106(19):335-9.
3. Szumilas M. Explaining odds ratios. J Can Acad Child Adolesc Psychiatry 2010;19(3):227-9.
RE: Pubertal Suppression for Transgender Youth and Risk of Suicidal Ideation
Transgender Youth, Pubertal Suppression, and Mental Health Outcomes: The Next Steps
In response to the article “Pubertal Suppression for Transgender Youth and Risk of Suicidal Ideation”, I would like to thank the authors for exploring this topic. As the first study to examine associations between suicidality and access to pubertal suppression, this work adds significant findings to the continued discourse regarding transgender care. Of note, the two previous studies regarding transgender treatment and mental health had significant limitations including lack of diversity, few participants, and notably no control group. Modern studies must encompass a representative proportion of the population to provide accurate data. Recruiting the largest survey of transgender adults from all 50 states provides a more representative sample of the United States.
While inclusion is important, highlighting the differences in outcomes amongst the various races of participants would further the discourse. Measuring whether significant differences in household income, education level, family support, and employment status by race could add data to determine socioeconomic factors which influence mental health outcomes.
Although no participants under the age of 18 were included in this research, the mental health outcomes of teens are an important area of study. In a 2016 Minnesota study, 80, 929 students were questioned about their gender identity and perceived health1. The study found that transgender/non-conforming teens reported significantly lower rates of health check-ups, poorer health status, and more nurse office visits than cisgender students1. Even further, students whose gender expression was incongruent with the accepted expectation from their sex assigned at birth were found to be at higher risk for poorer health outcomes1. These findings further support that transgender persons need suitable insurance coverage, culturally competent physicians, and familial financial support for their health and wellness. As stated in the research, insurance coverage and family support are important in order to access the GnRHa therapies which range in cost from a few thousand up to $25,000. Using data on mental health outcomes to shape policies and influence insurance coverage could help address the financial barriers to care.
Another area to further examine is the effect of experiencing assault as a transgender teen on adult mental health outcomes. In the United States, an estimated 47% of gender minorities report a lifetime history of sexual assault2. In a 2017 survey of 3,673 transgender and nonbinary US teens found a sexual assault prevalence of 36% in youth who had restroom and locker room restrictions2. Further work investigating assault and long-term mental health outcomes can be used to support advocacy efforts and shape current policies.
The field of Pediatrics will continue to see advancements in pubertal suppression therapies. As these therapies are implemented, we must still address the higher rates of mental health disparities, violence, and socioeconomic hardships for transgender persons. The research completed in this study provides an excellent basis for continued advocacy to address the mental health outcomes of transgender persons.
References
1. Health and Care Utilization of Transgender and Gender Nonconforming Youth: Population-Based Study: G. Nicole Rider, Barbara J. McMorris, Amy L. Gower, Eli Coleman and Marla E. Eisenberg; Pediatrics 2018;141; DOI: 10.1542/peds.2017-1683 originally published online February 5, 2018.
2. School Restroom and Locker Room Restrictions and Sexual Assault Risk Among Transgender Youth: Gabriel R. Murchison, Madina Agénor, Sari L. Reisner and Ryan J. Watson; Pediatrics 2019;143; DOI: 10.1542/peds.2018-2902 originally published online May 6, 2019.
RE: Pubertal Suppression for Transgender Youth and Risk of Suicidal Ideation
Given the controversy surrounding the practice of puberty suppression for gender dysphoric adolescents, the article by Turban et al.1 creates more confusion than clarity. The authors imply causal evidence for a reduction in suicidal ideation with transgender adolescents who received puberty suppression (PS), yet they fail to acknowledge the exceedingly high rates in both groups of suicide ideation (75% and 90%) and suicide attempts (42% and 51%). The cross-sectional design using online survey data is insufficient to validate the efficacy of such a life-altering therapy. Because the data was collected by survey, there is no way of knowing how many would-be participants in either group actually succumbed to suicide. The so-called “lifetime suicidal ideation” is misleading, since at the time of the survey, the PS treatment group was significantly (p=001) younger (mean age 21.7 years) than the “ever wanted” PS control group (mean age 23.4 years), and the total age range of survey participants was 18 to 36 years. With mean age of hormone treatment initiation being 15.7 years in the PS group and 22.5 in the control group (p<0.001), it is obvious that the follow-up time for both groups was far too brief to assess “lifetime suicidal ideation.” The control group was not appropriately matched to the treatment group by age at time of survey or by age when hormone therapy was begun. Since there were over 30 controls for each PS case, they could have been selectively trimmed to be better matched.
What is more disturbing is that the PS treated group actually had double (45.5% versus 22.8%) the rates of the control group for serious (resulting in inpatient care) suicide attempts in the year preceding the data collection (Table 3).1 Adolescents who identify as transgender along with other “sexual minorities” (including lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth) are increasing at extraordinary rates (doubled between 2009 and 2017), and these adolescents are almost four times more likely than their heterosexual peers to commit suicide.2 The same study found that over 35% of adolescent suicide attempts in 2017 came from sexual minorities, who comprised only 14% of the adolescent population. Gender dysphoric youth and their families need to know the truth about therapies offered – that real long-term safety and efficacy studies do not exist. Research surrounding PS, cross-sex hormones, and “gender-confirming surgery” that potentially render recipients sterile, physically altered, and sexually dysfunctional must adhere to the same high standards applied to less controversial conditions, and these therapies should be considered experimental until such studies have been done. The prevailing narrative that these interventions are necessary to prevent suicide is without reasonable evidence.
References:
1. Tuban JL, King D, Carswell JM, Keuroghlian AS. Pubertal suppression for trangender youth and risk of suicidal ideation. Pediatrics. 2020;145(2):e20191725.
2. Raiafman J, Charlton BM, Arrington-Sanders R, et al. Sexual orientation and suicide attempt disparities among U.S. adolescents: 2009-2017. Pediatrics. 2020;145(3):e20191658.
RE: Pubertal Suppression for Transgender Youth and Risk of Suicidal Ideation
Turban et al. present an analysis of subjects from the database of the 2015 U.S. Trans Survey of more than 20,000 respondents. The authors extracted responses of 89 adult transgender subjects who experienced gender dysphoria (GD) in childhood and demonstrated that those who received puberty blockers (PB) fared better in measures of adult suicidality than those who did not.
This result is intuitive; adults more readily “pass” in society when development of secondary sex characteristics of the non-preferred biological birth sex was inhibited. The authors’ result supports this hypothesis.
Nevertheless, a word of caution is in order. The authors conclude that all who wish should be given PB. Presently, however, there is no method to predict persistence in GD. Estimates vary (1), but on average only about 15% persist; in contrast, when given PB, virtually 100% persist (2). Thus, an indiscriminate prescription of puberty blockers will significantly increase the number of adolescents who continue to full transition, which may worsen long-term outcomes in attempted suicides.
The differences in expected outcomes if PB is or is not prescribed can be estimated. Of 1000 children with GD, if all receive puberty suppression then we expect all 1000 to go on to full transition whereas without the pubertal inhibition only 150 (15% of 1000) will transition. As the authors correctly state in the paper, 40% of transpersons attempt suicide in a lifetime, which means that with PB administration to all, we expect 40% of 1000 = 400 persons to attempt suicide. The authors show, however, that because of the benefits of PB, this may perhaps be adjusted downward by a factor of 0.6; the expected outcome is then 240 attempted suicides. In contrast, if none of the 1000 subjects receive puberty suppression then only 60 persons (40% of 150) are expected to attempt suicide.
The estimate here excludes a number of details such as the baseline of suicide attempts in a control population, lifetime suicide attempts of desisters, and differences in suicide risk for different subgroups of transgender subjects (e.g. FtM, MtF), but these omissions are consistent with the assumptions in the analysis by Turban et al. and unlikely to affect the conclusion.
Thus, pending reliable prediction of who will desist or persist, prescription of PB is not warranted. Giving PB to all who wish it is expected to significantly increase the total number of suicide attempts, up to 240 per 1000, compared with the outcome when not giving puberty suppression to anyone, 60 per 1000.
1. Ristori, J., Steensma, T.D. (2016) “Gender dysphoria in childhood” International Review of Psychiatry, DOI: 10.3109/09540261.2015.1115754
2. Steensma, T. D., McGuire, J. K., Kreukels, B. P. C., Beekman, A. J., & Cohen-Kettenis, P. T. (2013). "Factors associated with desistence and persistence of childhood gender dysphoria: A quantitative follow-up study" Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 52: 582–590
RE: Letter to the Editor, in response to Pubertal Suppression for Transgender Youth and Risk of Suicidal Ideation
To the Editor and authors,
I read with great interest the article “Pubertal Suppression for Transgender Youth and Risk of Suicidal Ideation.” I am very grateful to Dr. Turban and colleagues for bringing attention to the relationship between mental health outcomes in the transgender community and receipt of available treatment with pubertal suppression during adolescence. Adolescents who identify as transgender have significant mental health disparities compared with their cisgender peers. It is of great importance that general pediatricians and Endocrinologists who are responsible for their care work together to increase access to all available treatments.
As pediatricians, we are inherently tasked with working to protect all children and being an advocate for the most vulnerable among them. Legislative advocacy is often used in this mission to increase these populations access to care and resources. It is disheartening when legislation is used instead to oppress the populations in the most need of our care like the transgender community. In the state of Georgia, legislation is now being drafted that would make it illegal for physicians to offer patients under the age of 18 surgical or medical gender-affirming interventions including the use of “puberty blockers.” As pubertal suppression is safe and completely reversible there is no reason that the decision to use this treatment or not should be made by legislators instead of medical professionals with patients and their families.
More articles like this are needed to continue to provide evidence demonstrating access to this safe and effective treatment results in better long-term outcomes. This article shows that patients who were aware of available treatments, sought out care, and received pubertal suppression had decreased odds of suicidal ideation and severe psychological distress. However, only 2.5% of those who wanted pubertal suppression received the treatment. Child advocates and legislators should be working together to make sure that 100% of adolescents wanting this treatment are able to receive it, which would reduce mental health disparities and improve long-term productivity.
The National Transgender Discrimination Survey found that 41% of transgender respondents attempted suicide, compared to 1.6% of the general population. This is a staggering statistic and pediatricians should work to protect transgender youth from being a part of this 41%. Dysphoria resulting from physical characteristics that does not align with one’s gender identity contributes to depression and anxiety. If there is a way to improve access to care and as a result improve mental health outcomes then it is neglectful for us to not do so.
The Endocrine Society and the World Professional Association for Transgender Health Standards of Care recommend that puberty suppression be offered to transgender patients and the AAP recommends that all transgender youth have access to comprehensive, gender-affirming health care. As these organizations are the leaders and experts surrounding this issue it is important that we take their advisement into consideration when shaping policies affecting these populations and that we advocate against policies, like the one proposed in Georgia, that disregard medical guidelines.
RE: Pubertal Suppression for Transgender Youth and Risk of Suicidal Ideation
This article finds that adults who had been prescribed puberty blockers have lower suicidal ideation than those who wanted them but were not prescribed them. The association holds (under multivariate analysis) for one out of five measures of suicidality tested by the authors. It does not, as the authors claim, warrant the recommendation “that this treatment be available for transgender adolescents who want it.”
We know that psychological stability is a prerequisite for puberty blockers. WPATH, for example, stipulates that they can be prescribed only if “Any coexisting psychological, medical, or social problems that could interfere with treatment ... have been addressed, such that the adolescent’s situation and functioning are stable enough to start treatment” (WPATH 2012: 19; cf. de Vries et al. 2011: 277).
Because adolescents with greater suicidal ideation were less eligible for puberty blockers, this automatically created an initial negative association between the two—before the treatment took effect. Therefore authors’ finding, from adults surveyed many years after treatment, is compatible with three scenarios: puberty blockers reduced suicidal ideation; puberty blockers had no effect on suicidal ideation; puberty blockers increased suicidal ideation, albeit not enough to counteract the initial association between suicidal ideation and eligibility.
The authors acknowledge that “the study’s cross-sectional design… does not allow for determination of causation.” But this caution was not conveyed in the many news reports generated by the study. “Puberty blockers reduce suicidal thoughts in trans people” ran a typical headline (LGBTQ Nation 2020).
Aside from the spurious leap from association to causation, the analysis is inevitably limited by the poor quality of the data.
Firstly, the survey’s respondents are not sampled from any defined population. The convenience sample excludes those who underwent medical intervention but subsequently stopped identifying as transgender. It also excludes those who did commit suicide.
Secondly, the key questions on puberty blockers confused some of the respondents. The survey report cautions that “a large majority (73%) of respondents who reported having taken puberty blockers [in question 12.9] ... reported doing so after age 18 [in question 12.11] ... This indicates that the question may have been misinterpreted by some respondents who confused puberty blockers with the hormone therapy given to adults and older adolescents” (James et al. 2016: 126). To mitigate this problem, Turban et al. follow the survey report in ignoring those respondents who reported taking puberty blockers after the age of 18. No such adjustment is possible, however, for the question asking whether the respondent had ever wanted puberty blockers (question 12.8), which Turban et al. use to define the subset of respondents in their analysis. Therefore the comparison group will include an unknown number of respondents—possibly the majority—who actually wanted cross-sex hormones rather than puberty blockers.
Thirdly, many questions have a large number of missing values. Of the 89 respondents who took puberty blockers, only 11 answered the question on whether they had been hospitalized as a result of attempting suicide in the last 12 months (question 16.5).
In sum, this article contributes little to our knowledge on the effect of suppressing puberty on adolescents. The single study to show positive psychological effects has a sample size of 70 and lacks any control group (de Vries et al. 2011). The authors cite a second study (Costa et al. 2015), but that actually shows no statistical difference in improvement in psychological functioning between the group prescribed puberty blockers and the group given therapy (Biggs 2019).
“Longitudinal clinical trials are needed to better understand the efficacy of pubertal suppression,” as the authors observe. It is remarkable that such a call is still necessary after more than two decades of this experimental treatment on adolescents suffering from gender dysphoria.
References not included in the target article
Biggs, M. (2019). A letter to the editor regarding the original article by Costa et al: Psychological support, puberty suppression, and psychosocial functioning in adolescents with gender dysphoria. Journal of Sexual Medicine, 16, 2043.
LGBTQ Nation (2020). Puberty blockers reduce suicidal thoughts in trans people: Republicans want to ban them. https://www.lgbtqnation.com/2020/01/puberty-blockers-reduce-suicidal-tho...
World Professional Association for Transgender Health (2012). Standards of care for the health of transsexual, transgender, and gender-nonconforming people, 7th version.
Suicidality in Gender Dysphoric Youth Offered Pubertal Blockade Remains Alarmingly High
The article by Turban et al.1 is being widely interpreted as providing evidence that GnRH agonists are beneficial in preventing suicide in transgender youth. This includes an accompanying AAP news article2. This conclusion is not warranted from the article. While the authors acknowledge that, as a cross-sectional study, their data cannot establish causal relationship between pubertal blockade and suicidality, they fail to emphasize that those who received puberty blockade, AND those that did not, both had alarmingly high rates of suicidal ideation (50% or higher) within the last year, rates strikingly similar to those previously reported for transgender adults3. There was no difference between the study groups when comparing a more robust measure of suicidal risk: ideation with a plan. Furthermore, those receiving GnRH agonists had higher rates of hospitalization for suicide attempts when compared to those not receiving this medication. The argument that there was a lack of statistical power is an assumed explanation for these effects, and is often used by scientists when their hypothesis is not supported by the data. An equally plausible explanation is that suicidal risk is almost independent of taking GnRH agonists because pubertal blockade fails to address important co-occurring psychological issues. The study has several methodological weaknesses. Community-based samples of patients identifying as transgender are rife with ascertainment biases. Gender dysphoric youth who do not identify as transgender later in life are not in the sample. The influence of pubertal blockade on their identity and suicidality are not considered. It is not surprising that patients who identify as transgender later in life value an intervention that supported their early identification and that patients that desired but did not receive that intervention over-estimate its value. The most meaningful comparison should be between patients that receive the intervention and those that do not regardless of whether the treatment was offered and regardless of whether they identify as transgender later in life. Secondly, since gender dysphoria experienced by these patients is influenced by a myriad of factors, it is misleading to base conclusions about the benefit of receiving GnRH agonist on any univariate analyses. To achieve reliable conclusions on suicide risk, more complex modeling assessing multiple inter-related contributors is required. Notably, all but one of the univariate results is non-significant when controlling for but a few background factors. Although the odds ratio for lifetime suicidality remains significant, the Pearson correlation is surprisingly small, < .08, yielding a very small effect size (Cohen's d < .20) and does not assess current or future suicide risk. Thus, from this survey it is an unjustifiable stretch to conclude, or even suggest, that for gender dysphoric youth, pubertal blockade is a lifesaving intervention. Young adults who experience a gender identity that is discordant with biological sex leads to serious concerns about the long-term efficacy of puberty blockade. Further research into this complex and poorly understood population is needed. Until this research is published caution is required in recommending GnRH agonists to alter the natural course of puberty.
1. Turban et al. Pubertal Suppression for Transgender Youth and Risk of Suicidal Ideation. Pediatrics. Jan. 23, 2020, https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2019-1725)
2. Jenco, Blocking puberty in transgender teens linked to lower likelihood of suicidal thoughts. AAP News January 23, 2020. https://www.aappublications.org/news/2020/01/23/pubertysuppression012320
3. Adams, Hitomi & Moody, Varied Reports of Adult Suicidality: Synthesizing and Describing the Peer-Reviewed and Gray Literature. Transgender Health 2.1:60-75, 2017
RE: Pubertal Suppression for Transgender Youth and Risk of Suicidal Ideation
Fantastic attention and information for care of Transgender Youth patients. This will save lives. In this case, a strong suspicion should be had that the suicide risk for ALL youth may be significantly lowered with Pubertal Suppression, which I would not support. Proving this with an ethical study would be most challenging. Of course, that does not negate the findings here in any way. Thank you for this very strong work.