National attention toward recent highly publicized police killings and the coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic, which has disproportionately impacted communities of color, highlight the continued systematic oppression of racial and ethnic minorities in the United States. Furthermore, burgeoning evidence demonstrates that police contact is associated with adverse health outcomes for Black and Latinx youth beyond the loss of life. This article seeks to describe the historical and contemporary context of youth’s experiences with the police and present the state of the science linking police contact to poor health. The evidence suggests that police contact is a critical determinant of health for racial and ethnic minority children and that pediatric clinicians, researchers, and policymakers have a role in mitigating the detrimental impact of policing on child health.

The recent tragic deaths of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery, and Adam Toledo, to name a few, alongside the stark racial disparities of the coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic, reflect the sustained, systematic oppression of communities of color in the United States. With the advent of police body cameras, cell phone video footage, and social media, there has been increased public attention to such devastating events and an elevated awareness regarding racially inequitable policing practices and their potential downstream effect on the health and well-being of youth.

In 2020, 1126 people were killed by police, 48% of whom were Black or Latinx despite making up only 30% of the population. Additionally, most of these killings began with police responding to suspected nonviolent offenses or cases where no crime was reported.1  Although the racial disparities in mortality at the hands of police are striking, similar trends are observed with general exposure to police. In Philadelphia, Black youth from birth to 26 years of age had, on average, 18 law enforcement contacts before 18 years of age; by 24 years of age, these same young adults had nearly 9 times the number of encounters with law enforcement as their white counterparts.2  Data from New York City show that Black and Latinx children and adolescents made up 90% of police reports for noncriminal misbehavior and 94% of incidents where handcuffs were used in 2017. It is important to note that a large body of evidence reveals that individual-level differences in delinquency poorly explain racial disparities in police contact and that arrest odds for youth of color strengthen even after accounting for differential crime involvement.37  Furthermore, once stopped, youth of color are less likely than whites to report that police behave properly.8  An analysis of national injury data revealed Black and Latinx people were about 3 and 2 times as likely to experience a legal intervention injury compared with whites, respectively.9,10  Summary of data from the Bureau of Justice Statistics Police-Public Contact Survey similarly showed that Black and Latinx and those 16 to 29 years of age were more likely to experience threat or the use of force during police encounters than whites and those older than 30.10 

Racial inequity in policing youth requires an interrogation of the role of structural and interpersonal racism within these encounters. Previous research with the general public and police officers reveals the prevalent stereotype of seeing Blacks as both violent and criminal.11  This stereotype has also been observed in research designed to examine shooter bias, with participants being quicker to shoot Black targets.12  Although some children are afforded the assumption of innocence, recent literature indicates that police officers perceive Black and Latinx children as older and more culpable than white children. Consequently, they also employ greater use of force.13  With Black and Latinx youth experiencing the majority of police encounters, it is imperative for pediatricians to consider the detrimental effects on their health.

Modern-day police practices are born from historical practices that permitted harassment, discrimination, and dehumanization of individuals from marginalized groups. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the first publicly funded police departments in the United States were designated as slave patrols, created to regulate the movement and actions of free and enslaved Black persons. Such patrols captured runaway slaves, monitored slave gatherings to thwart uprisings, and enforced slave codes. These patrols were known for their cruel and violent tactics. Although slave patrols were formally dissolved after the Civil War, the oppression and subjugation of Black persons in the United States continued via police enforcement of Black codes and later Jim Crow laws. Such codes limited Black persons’ ability to work, the amount of compensation, their right to vote, and places where they could live. The Jim Crow period was also marked by neighborhood vigilantism targeting Black communities. Even during the 20th century, during the Civil Rights Movement, legal demonstrations protesting the oppression of Black Americans were met with unchecked counter-aggression and police violence. This unrest led to the well-known “War on Crime,” which increased police presence in Black communities. This shift was followed by the “War on Drugs,” which imposed strict and disproportionately punitive policies toward substances used, predominantly in Black and Latinx communities (crack) compared with similar products used in white communities (cocaine).14  Differential treatment by race can be seen in more present-day practices, such as “Stop and Frisk.” Such policies have led to disproportionate stops, use of force, and arrests for Black and Latinx youth.

When considering how policing may lead to adverse health, several frameworks exist. Firstly, some experts consider policing Black youth as a racialized stressor.15  Although policing’s impact is gaining more recent interest, a large body of research supports racism’s detrimental effects on child health.16  The harmful health consequences of racism can be understood through weathering, allostasis, and epigenetic theories. Weathering refers to the cumulative impact of stressors such as racism, causing “wear and tear” and accelerated aging.17  Allostasis refers to the theory that chronic stress exposure (ie, experiences of racism) leads to adaptive costs, resulting in alteration of brain structure, neuronal connectivity, and premature aging. When the body undergoes a social or physical stressor, the sympathetic nervous system and hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis are activated, releasing catecholamines and cortisol, respectively. Such hormone production stops once the stressor has subsided. However, if a body is chronically stressed, the response systems remain activated, resulting in a high allostatic load linked to poor health outcomes.18  Additionally, epigenetics has seen recent advances with research showing the impact of racism on gene expression (eg, DNA methylation and shortening of telomeres).19 

Whereas youth may experience racism directly through encounters with police, they may also have indirect exposure to police-mediated racism via friends, family, strangers, and the media. Indirect exposure is also known as vicarious racism. A recent systematic review highlights the wide range of health impacts of vicarious experiences of racism on child health.20  Ecological analyses that evaluate the health of over-policed communities also suggest a similar relationship.21,22 

Trauma is also a well-known pathway to poor health, particularly when the trauma is physically or sexually violent. Trauma generally refers to when an individual experiences a threat to life or bodily integrity, which overwhelms their ability to cope by creating feelings of hopelessness or intense fear. Trauma is linked to several health outcomes, including posttraumatic stress disorder, depression, and substance use. Intergenerational trauma, which refers to experiences of severe trauma in families or groups whose descendants continue to suffer the downstream effects, must be considered in the United States for minoritized youth.23 

In addition to the aforementioned well-studied pathways to poor health (racism, vicarious racism, trauma, and violence), specific theoretical frameworks emerge from the realm of policing. For example, Sewell et al contends that hyper surveillance of Black communities by police leads to fear of victimization and perceptions of racism, resulting in maladaptive coping mechanisms such as hypervigilance.24  One example empirically assessed of hypervigilance is police avoidance, which has also been linked to depressive symptoms.25  Another recently published framework contends that police violence should be considered especially detrimental to health, given (1) it is state-sanctioned, (2) pervasive, (3) perpetuated by organizational police culture, (4) challenges previously held beliefs regarding safety, (5) diminishes one’s value given differential treatment to racial minorities, (6) stigmatizes, (7) has high stakes given that officers are often armed and have the power to imprison, and (8) there are limited options for recourse.26 

Police contact has been shown to threaten health and is particularly consequential for youth. The current state of the evidence reveals a relationship between police exposure and adverse mental health, physical health, exposure to emotional, physical, and sexual abuse, and poor academic outcomes.

Research reveals that police contact is associated with psychological distress,27  anger,28,29  externalizing behaviors,30  fear,29  posttraumatic stress, and anxiety.31  The adult literature has additionally shown associations with psychotic experiences32  and suicidal ideation.33 

Police contact is also associated with substance use34,35  and sexual risk behaviors.34,3639  Qualitative literature has shown that policing deters men who have sex with men from carrying condoms out of fear of the accusation of involvement in sex work.40  The adult literature also supports the idea that police deter youth from protective behaviors, with several studies revealing police contact’s relationship with the lack of use of syringe exchange programs.41 

Physical health outcomes have been studied less frequently in the pediatric literature. However, one study shows that mothers who experience discrimination by police tend to have low birth weight infants,42  and youth who experience police contact tend to rate their overall self-reported health as poor.43  Another study demonstrates an association between adolescents stopped by police and sleep deprivation.44  Other adult literature has shown relationships with other physical health outcomes, including but not limited to diabetes, high blood pressure, and asthma.22 

Youth report exposure to abuse by police. Racial disparities have been seen in the verbal language used by police during interactions with youth.45  Youth report experiencing racial slurs46  and other demeaning language, such as being called “stupid.” 47  Youth also report emotional or psychological abuse, including being abandoned in unknown neighborhoods far from home or being forced to walk home without shoes.47  Reported physical abuse includes being punched, kicked, and choked. Lastly, some children report sexual assault by officers.46 

Police contact has substantial effects on education. Children who experience arrest are twice as likely to drop out of school and obtain 1 to 2 fewer years of education.48  Children living in highly policed areas show a decrease in standardized test scores and grade point averages.49,50  Furthermore, if school is completed, an arrest or history of arrest can thwart progress toward higher education or employment.51 

Police contact also predisposes youth to further police contact through a mechanism known as labeling. Once youth are arrested once, they are 7.5 times as likely to be arrested again regardless of criminal involvement.52 

Interactions with police and the criminal justice system have become racial socialization experiences. Research reveals that Black persons who experience negative interactions with police are more pessimistic about racial equality, more likely to perceive racism against themselves, and more likely to believe that prospects for their racial group are limited.53 

One study shows that respondents who had negative encounters with the police, even if they perceived these encounters to be necessary, had higher medical mistrust levels than those without negative police encounters.54  Another study similarly reveals that individuals who have been stopped by police, arrested, convicted, or incarcerated are less likely to interact with surveilling institutions, including the medical, financial, labor market, and educational institutions than their counterparts who have not had criminal justice contact.55 

Not only are adolescents and young adults the most heavily policed in the United States, but they are also one of the most vulnerable groups regarding developmental impact. Research reveals that youth brain development continues into the mid to late 20s. The frontal lobe is responsible for several aspects of social and emotional maturity, such as impulse control, risk avoidance, short-term reward sensitivity, future orientation, and coordination of emotion and cognition. Adolescents also tend to be more susceptible to peer influences and often seek to prove their autonomy from authority figures. The developmental stage and prior exposure to police may contribute to their response to a stressful police encounter and the harmful impact of a negative interaction.

Several strategies have been used to limit youth criminal justice involvement. Diversion programs refer to the strategy of using alternatives, such as youth referral to programs and services through community agencies instead of court processing or formal charges. Previous reviews remain equivocal regarding their effectiveness, with some showing positive benefits56,57  and others showing no effect.58  Other approaches have included training police officers in youth psychology and how to work with youth in the field. For example, in Boston, the Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority developed a program to train officers on how to work with youth and found that Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority arrests of youth dropped from 680 in 2001 to 84.51  Similarly, The Inner Harbor Project, which is designed and taught by Baltimore teens to those police officers assigned to the harbor area, has seen positive results with a decrease in youth arrests in the area by 65%. Another strategy is to reframe youth perspectives on the police. Programs like Effective Police Interactions with Youth training curriculum used in Connecticut has demonstrated a change in youth attitudes toward the police.59  Some programs may target both police and youth simultaneously, but the evaluation data from this work are inconsistent. For example, a basketball program involving minority youth and police officers showed improved police officer attitudes toward youth. However, there was no improvement in the youth attitudes toward the police. Similarly, youth exposed to police officers through the Drug Abuse Resistance Education program also did not yield a significant increase in positive attitudes toward police after program completion.60 

Although several remedies have been explored within the realm of criminal justice reform, there has been less attention toward simply reducing or eliminating youth contact with police. Given the detrimental impact that policing can have on child and adolescent health and development, efforts to formally recognize police contact as an adverse childhood experience, standardize screening of police encounters using a trauma-informed care approach, and refer to ancillary services are 3 critical steps to move the needle within the clinical space. Pediatric researchers should prioritize data collection on the impact of policing on children from infancy through late adolescence. This work must carefully include experiences of policing in institutions where youth should feel safe, like schools and hospitals, while also examining police stops and experiences of violence that occur in community spaces that youth often navigate alone or with their peers. It is crucial that such data collection thoughtfully interrogates the type of contact experienced and consistently includes both race and ethnicity.

When screening youth and their families for potential interactions with police, pediatricians should be prepared to provide support, guidance, and potentially referral to ancillary services. Discussions with youth in this context can focus on ensuring they understand their rights, prioritizing their safety, and acknowledging the injustice associated with such encounters.61  Although these conversations may have a positive impact, this area has yet to be studied within the pediatric clinical context. Clinicians should be aware of their rapport with patients before such discussions and the principal role of their parents or caregivers in guiding the conversation.

Beyond clinical and research realms, pediatricians need to engage in advocacy that promotes limiting police contact with youth. Developmental psychology has successfully advocated for youth criminal justice reform designed to eliminate juvenile prisons, the death penalty for youth, life without parole, and raising the age at which a child can be tried as an adult.62  This same logic should be applied to police contact, and pediatricians are the appropriate developmental experts to help lead this charge. Although multiple interventions exist, as stated above, few have shown efficacy. Pediatricians can advocate for replicating strategies demonstrating measurable promise, such as teaching police officers about youth development. Pediatricians can also survey their local communities to understand which of these programs exist and offer their expertise in promoting those with demonstrated efficacy and guiding program evaluation. We should also reconsider the potential impact of deimplementation and challenge the presence of police in areas that serve youth, including but not limited to community centers, schools, and hospital clinics. To decouple police from youth, other agencies with youth experience and expertise in trauma-informed practice and adolescent development could be the first contact before involving police. In instances when police do come into contact with children, youth-specific policies for speech, touch, and use of force should apply.63 

Finally, as pediatricians, we must enhance our collaborative involvement with other institutions that foster youth development and empowerment, given the early data on the positive impact of social justice youth development and activism.64  Our patients are uniquely and disproportionately impacted by police contact and violence; therefore, it is our duty to be part of the solution through clinical practice, research, and advocacy efforts locally and nationally.

The author approved the final manuscript as submitted and agrees to be accountable for all aspects of the work.

FUNDING: No external funding.

CONFLICT OF INTEREST DISCLOSURES: The authors have indicated they have no conflicts of interest relevant to this article to disclose.

1.
Mapping Police Violence
.
2017 Year-end police violence report
.
Available at: www.mappingpoliceviolence.org. Accessed January 30, 2023
2.
Cohen
MA
,
Piquero
AR
.
An outcome evaluation of the YouthBuild USA offender project
.
Youth Violence Juv Justice
.
2010
;
8
(
4
):
373
385
3.
Andersen
TS
.
Race, ethnicity, and structural variations in youth risk of arrest: Evidence from a national longitudinal sample
.
Crim Justice Behav
.
2015
;
42
(
9
):
900
916
4.
Gase
LN
,
Glenn
BA
,
Gomez
LM
,
Kuo
T
, %
Inkelas
M
,
Ponce
NA
.
Understanding racial and ethnic disparities in arrest: the role of individual, home, school, and community characteristics
.
Race Soc Probl
.
2016
;
8
(
4
):
296
312
5.
Kirk
DS
.
The neighborhood context of racial and ethnic disparities in arrest
.
Demography
.
2008
;
45
(
1
):
55
77
6.
Huizinga
D
,
Thornberry
T
,
Knight
K
, et al
.
Disproportionate Minority Contact in the Juvenile Justice System: A Study of Differential Minority Arrest/Referral to Court in Three Cities: A Report to the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention
.
Washington, DC
:
US Department of Justice, NCJRS
;
2007
7.
Unnever
JD
,
Cullen
FT
,
Barnes
JC
.
Racial discrimination and pathways to delinquency: testing a theory of African American offending
.
Race Justice
.
2017
;
7
(
4
):
350
373
8.
Langton
L
,
Durose
M
.
Police Behavior During Traffic and Street Stops, 2011
.
Washington, DC
:
US Department of Justice
;
2013
9.
Buehler
JW
.
Racial/ethnic disparities in the use of lethal force by US police, 2010–2014
.
Am J Public Health
.
2017
;
107
(
2
):
295
297
10.
Eith
C
,
Durose
MR
.
Contacts Between Police and the Public, 2008
.
Washington, DC
:
Bureau of Justice Statistics
;
2011
11.
Eberhardt
JL
,
Goff
PA
,
Purdie
VJ
,
Davies
PG
.
Seeing black: race, crime, and visual processing
.
J Pers Soc Psychol
.
2004
;
87
(
6
):
876
893
12.
Ross
CT
.
A multi-level Bayesian analysis of racial bias in police shootings at the county-level in the United States, 2011–2014
.
PLoS One
.
2015
;
10
(
11
):
e0141854
13.
Goff
PA
,
Jackson
MC
,
Di Leone
BA
,
Culotta
CM
,
DiTomasso
NA
.
The essence of innocence: consequences of dehumanizing Black children
.
J Pers Soc Psychol
.
2014
;
106
(
4
):
526
545
14.
Alexander
M
.
The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness
.
New York, NY
:
The New Press
;
2020
15.
Williams
DR
.
Stress and the mental health of populations of color: advancing our understanding of race-related stressors
.
J Health Soc Behav
.
2018
;
59
(
4
):
466
485
16.
Trent
M
,
Dooley
DG
,
Dougé
J
;
Section on Adolescent Health
;
Council on Community Pediatrics
;
Committee on Adolescence
.
The impact of racism on child and adolescent health
.
Pediatrics
.
2019
;
144
(
2
):
e20191765
17.
Geronimus
AT
.
The weathering hypothesis and the health of African-American women and infants: evidence and speculations
.
Ethn Dis
.
1992
;
2
(
3
):
207
221
18.
McEwen
BS
,
Seeman
T
.
Protective and damaging effects of mediators of stress. Elaborating and testing the concepts of allostasis and allostatic load
.
Ann N Y Acad Sci
.
1999
;
896
(
1
):
30
47
19.
Sullivan
S
.
Inheriting racist disparities in health: epigenetics and the transgenerational effects of white racism
.
Critical Philosophy of Race
.
2013
;
1
(
2
):
190
218
20.
Heard-Garris
NJ
,
Cale
M
,
Camaj
L
,
Hamati
MC
,
Dominguez
TP
.
Transmitting trauma: a systematic review of vicarious racism and child health
.
Soc Sci Med
.
2018
;
199
:
230
240
21.
Bor
J
,
Venkataramani
AS
,
Williams
DR
,
Tsai
AC
.
Police killings and their spillover effects on the mental health of Black Americans: a population-based, quasi- experimental study
.
Lancet
.
2018
;
392
(
10144
):
302
310
22.
Sewell
AA
,
Jefferson
KA
.
Collateral damage: the health effects of invasive police encounters in New York City
.
J Urban Health
.
2016
;
93
(
Suppl 1
):
42
67
23.
Bryant‐Davis
T
,
Adams
T
,
Alejandre
A
,
Gray
AA
.
The trauma lens of police violence against racial and ethnic minorities
.
J Soc Issues
.
2017
;
73
(
4
):
852
871
24.
Sewell
W
,
Horsford
CE
,
Coleman
K
, %
Watkins
CS
.
Vile vigilance: an integrated theoretical framework for understanding the state of Black surveillance
.
J Hum Behav Soc Environ
.
2016
;
26
(
3-4
):
287
302
25.
Bowleg
L
,
Maria Del Río-González
A
,
Mbaba
M
,
Boone
CA
,
Holt
SL
.
Negative police encounters and police avoidance as pathways to depressive symptoms among US black men, 2015–2016
.
Am J Public Health
.
2020
;
110
(
S1
):
S160
S166
26.
DeVylder
J
,
Fedina
L
,
Link
B
.
Impact of police violence on mental health: a theoretical framework
.
Am J Public Health
.
2020
;
110
(
11
):
1704
1710
27.
Landers
AJ
,
Rollock
D
,
Rolfes
CB
,
Moore
DL
.
Police contacts and stress among African American college students
.
Am J Orthopsychiatry
.
2011
;
81
(
1
):
72
81
28.
Scott
DAI
,
Seal
ZT
.
Disentangling the roles of negative emotions and racial identity in the theory of African American offending
.
Am J Crim Justice
.
2019
;
44
(
2
):
277
308
29.
Motley
RO
Jr
,
Chen
Y
,
Johnson
C
,
Joe
S
.
Exposure to community-based violence on social media among black male emerging adults involved with the criminal justice system
.
Soc Work Res
.
2020
;
44
(
2
):
87
97
30.
Unnever
JD
,
Barnes
JC
,
Cullen
FT
.
The racial invariance thesis revisited: testing an African American theory of offending
.
J Contemp Crim Justice
.
2016
;
32
(
1
):
7
26
31.
Geller
A
,
Fagan
J
,
Tyler
T
,
Link
BG
.
Aggressive policing and the mental health of young urban men
.
Am J Public Health
.
2014
;
104
(
12
):
2321
2327
32.
DeVylder
JE
,
Cogburn
C
,
Oh
HY
, et al
.
Psychotic experiences in the context of police victimization: data from the survey of police-public encounters
.
Schizophr Bull
.
2017
;
43
(
5
):
993
1001
33.
DeVylder
JE
,
Frey
JJ
,
Cogburn
CD
, et al
.
Elevated prevalence of suicide attempts among victims of police violence in the USA
.
J Urban Health
.
2017
;
94
(
5
):
629
636
34.
Green
KM
,
Doherty
EE
,
Sifat
MS
,
Ensminger
ME
.
Explaining continuity in substance use: the role of criminal justice system involvement over the life course of an urban African American prospective cohort
.
Drug Alcohol Depend
.
2019
;
195
:
74
81
35.
Lopes
G
,
Krohn
MD
,
Lizotte
AJ
,
Schmidt
NM
,
Vasquez
BE
,
Bernburg
JG
.
Labeling and cumulative disadvantage: the impact of formal police intervention on life chances and crime during emerging adulthood
.
Crime Delinq
.
2012
;
58
(
3
):
456
488
36.
Forehand
R
,
Gound
M
,
Kotchick
BA
, %
Armistead
L
,
Long
N
,
Miller
KS
.
Sexual intentions of black preadolescents: associations with risk and adaptive behaviors
.
Perspect Sex Reprod Health
.
2005
;
37
(
1
):
13
18
37.
Garofalo
R
,
Osmer
E
,
Sullivan
C
,
Doll
M
,
Harper
G
.
Environmental, psychosocial, and individual correlates of HIV risk in ethnic minority male-to-female transgender youth
.
J HIV AIDS Prev Child Youth
.
2007
;
7
(
2
):
89
104
38.
Ompad
DC
,
Kapadia
F
,
Bates
FC
,
Blachman-Forshay
J
,
Halkitis
PN
.
Racial/ethnic differences in the association between arrest and unprotected anal sex among young men who have sex with men: the P18 cohort study
.
J Urban Health
.
2015
;
92
(
4
):
717
732
39.
Phillips
G
II
,
Birkett
M
,
Salamanca
P
, et al
.
Interplay of race and criminal justice involvement on sexual behaviors of young men who have sex with men
.
J Adolesc Health
.
2018
;
63
(
2
):
197
204
40.
Garcia
J
,
Parker
C
,
Parker
RG
,
Wilson
PA
,
Philbin
MM
,
Hirsch
JS
.
“You’re really gonna kick us all out?” sustaining safe spaces for community-based HIV prevention and control among black men who have sex with men
.
PLoS One
.
2015
;
10
(
10
):
e0141326
41.
Davis
CS
,
Burris
S
,
Kraut-Becher
J
,
Lynch
KG
,
Metzger
D
.
Effects of an intensive street-level police intervention on syringe exchange program use in Philadelphia, PA
.
Am J Public Health
.
2005
;
95
(
2
):
233
236
42.
Collins
JW
Jr
,
David
RJ
,
Symons
R
,
Handler
A
,
Wall
S
,
Andes
S
.
African-American mothers’ perception of their residential environment, stressful life events, and very low birthweight
.
Epidemiology
.
1998
;
9
(
3
):
286
289
43.
McFarland
MJ
,
Geller
A
,
McFarland
C
.
Police contact and health among urban adolescents: the role of perceived injustice
.
Soc Sci Med
.
2019
;
238
:
112487
44.
Testa
A
,
Jackson
DB
,
Semenza
D
.
Unfair police treatment and sleep problems among a national sample of adults
.
J Sleep Res
.
2021
;
30
(
6
):
e13353
45.
Voigt
R
,
Camp
NP
,
Prabhakaran
V
, et al
.
Language from police body camera footage shows racial disparities in officer respect
.
Proc Natl Acad Sci USA
.
2017
;
114
(
25
):
6521
6526
46.
Brunson
RK
,
Miller
J
.
Gender, race, and urban policing: the experience of African American youths
.
Gend Soc
.
2006
;
20
(
4
):
531
552
47.
Brunson
RK
,
Weitzer
R
.
Police relations with Black and white youths in different urban neighborhoods
.
Urban Aff Rev
.
2009
;
44
(
6
):
858
885
48.
Kirk
DS
,
Sampson
RJ
.
Juvenile arrest and collateral educational damage in the transition to adulthood
.
Sociol Educ
.
2013
;
88
(
1
):
36
62
49.
Legewie
J
,
Fagan
J
.
Aggressive policing and the educational performance of minority youth
.
Am Sociol Rev
.
2019
;
84
(
2
):
220
247
50.
Ang
D
.
The effects of police violence on inner-city students
.
Q J Econ
.
2021
;
136
(
1
):
115
168
51.
Human Impact Partners
.
Reducing youth arrests keeps kids healthy and successful: a health analysis of youth arrest in Michigan
.
52.
Liberman
AM
,
Kirk
DS
,
Kim
K
.
Labeling effects of first juvenile arrests: secondary deviance and secondary sanctioning
.
Criminology
.
2014
;
52
(
3
):
345
370
53.
Lerman
AE
,
Weaver
VM
.
Arresting Citizenship: The Democratic Consequences of American Crime Control
.
Chicago, IL
:
University of Chicago Press
;
2014
54.
Alang
S
,
McAlpine
DD
,
Hardeman
R
.
Police brutality and mistrust in medical institutions
.
J Racial Ethn Health Disparities
.
2020
;
7
(
4
):
760
768
55.
Brayne
S
.
Surveillance and system avoidance: criminal justice contact and institutional attachment
.
Am Sociol Rev
.
2014
;
79
(
3
):
367
391
56.
Wilson
HA
,
Hoge
RD
.
The effect of youth diversion programs on recidivism: a meta-analytic review
.
Crim Justice Behav
.
2013
;
40
(
5
):
497
518
57.
Petrosino
A
,
Turpin‐Petrosino
C
, %
Guckenburg
S
.
Formal system processing of juveniles: effects on delinquency
.
Campbell Syst Rev
.
2010
;
6
(
1
):
1
88
58.
Schwalbe
CS
,
Gearing
RE
,
MacKenzie
MJ
,
Brewer
KB
,
Ibrahim
R
.
A meta-analysis of experimental studies of diversion programs for juvenile offenders
.
Clin Psychol Rev
.
2012
;
32
(
1
):
26
33
59.
LaMotte
V
,
Ouellette
K
,
Sanderson
J
, et al
.
Effective police interactions with youth: a program evaluation
.
Police Q
.
2010
;
13
(
2
):
161
179
60.
Schuck
AM
.
A life-course perspective on adolescents’ attitudes to police: DARE, delinquency, and residential segregation
.
J Res Crime Delinq
.
2013
;
50
(
4
):
579
607
61.
Maroney
T
,
Zuckerman
B
.
“The talk,” physician version: special considerations for African American, male adolescents
.
Pediatrics
.
2018
;
141
(
2
):
e20171462
62.
Bonnie
RJ
,
Scott
ES
.
The teenage brain: adolescent brain research and the law
.
Curr Dir Psychol Sci
.
2013
;
22
(
2
):
158
161
63.
Weaver
VM
,
Geller
A
.
De-policing America’s youth: disrupting criminal justice policy feedbacks that distort power and derail prospects
.
Ann Am Acad Pol Soc Sci
.
2019
;
685
(
1
):
190
226
64.
Seaton
EK
,
Yellow Horse
AJ
,
Yoo
HC
, %
Vargas
E
.
Health implications of Black lives matter among Black adults
.
J Racial Ethn Health Disparities
.
2020
;
7
(
6
):
1241
1248